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by Peter Esprit Radisson

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Title: Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson

Author: Peter Esprit Radisson

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The Publications of the Prince Society
Established May 25th, 1858.

RADISSON'S VOYAGES.


VOYAGES
OF
PETER ESPRIT RADISSON,

BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS TRAVELS AND EXPERIENCES AMONG
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, FROM
1652 TO 1684.

TRANSCRIBED FROM ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY
AND THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS
AND AN
INTRODUCTION,

BY GIDEON D. SCULL,

LONDON, ENGLAND.



PREFACE.

It may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance that we are able to add to
the Society's publications this volume of RADISSON'S VOYAGES. The
narratives contained in it are the record of events and transactions in
which the author was a principal actor. They were apparently written
without any intention of publication, and are plainly authentic and
trustworthy. They have remained in manuscript more than two hundred years,
and in the mean time appear to have escaped the notice of scholars, as not
even extracts from them have, so far as we are aware, found their way into
print. The author was a native of France, and had an imperfect knowledge of
the English language. The journals, with the exception of the last in the
volume, are, however, written in that language, and, as might be
anticipated, in orthography, in the use of words, and in the structure of
sentences, conform to no known standard of English composition. But the
meaning is in all cases clearly conveyed, and, in justice both to the
author and the reader, they have been printed _verbatim et literatim_, as
in the original manuscripts. We desire to place upon record our high
appreciation of the courtesy extended to the Editor of this volume by the
governors of the Bodleian Library and of the British Museum, in allowing
him to copy the original manuscripts in their possession. Our thanks
likewise are here tendered to Mr. Edward Denham for the gratuitous
contribution of the excellent index which accompanies the volume.

EDMUND F. SLAFTER,
_President of the Prince Society_.
BOSTON, 249 BERKELEY STREET,
November 20, 1885.




TABLE OF CONTENTS.


PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

FIRST VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON

SECOND VOYAGE, MADE IN THE UPPER COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOITS

THIRD VOYAGE, MADE TO THE GREAT LAKE OF THE HURONS, UPPER SEA OF THE EAST,
  AND BAY OF THE NORTH

FOURTH VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON

RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTH PARTS OF AMERICA IN THE YEARS 1682 AND
  1683

RELATION OF THE VOYAGE ANNO 1684

OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY

THE PRINCE SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY

VOLUMES IN PREPARATION BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY

INDEX




INTRODUCTION.

The author of the narratives contained in this volume was Peter Esprit
Radisson, who emigrated from France to Canada, as he himself tells us, on
the 24th day of May, 1651. He was born at St. Malo, and in 1656, at Three
Rivers, in Canada, married Elizabeth, the daughter of Madeleine Hainault.
[Footnote: Vide _History of the Ojibways_, by the Rev. E. D. Neill, ed.
1885.] Radisson says that he lived at Three Rivers, where also dwelt "my
natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and
children." [Footnote: The Abbe Cyprian Tanguay, the best genealogical
authority in Canada, gives the following account of the family: Francoise
Radisson, a daughter of Pierre Esprit, married at Quebec, in 1668, Claude
Volant de St. Claude, born in 1636, and had eight children. Pierre and
Claude, eldest sons, became priests. Francoise died in infancy: Marguerite
married Noel le Gardeur; Francoise died in infancy; Etienne, born October
29, 1664, married in 1693 at Sorel, but seems to have had no issue. Jean
Francois married Marguerite Godfrey at Montreal in 1701. Nicholas, born in
1668, married Genevieve Niel, July 30, 1696, and both died in 1703, leaving
two of their five sons surviving.

There are descendants of Noel le Gardeur who claim Radisson as their
ancestor, and also descendants of Claude Volant, apparently through
Nicholas. Among these descendants of the Volant family is the Rt. Rev.
Joseph Thomas Duhamel, who was consecrated Bishop of Ottawa, Canada,
October 28, 1874.

Of Medard Chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his
son Jean Baptiste, born July 25, 1654, can be found.] This brother, often
alluded to in Radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was
Medard Chouart, "who was the son of Medard and Marie Poirier, of Charly St.
Cyr, France, and in 1641, when only sixteen years old, came to Canada."
[Footnote: Chouart's daughter Marie Antoinette, born June 7, 1661, married
first Jean Jalot in 1679. He was a surgeon, born in 1648, and killed by the
Iroquois, July 2, 1690. He was called Des Groseilliers. She had nine
children by Jalot, and there are descendants from them in Canada. On the
19th December, 1695, she married, secondly, Jean Bouchard, by whom she had
six children. The Bouchard-Dorval family of Montreal descends from this
marriage. Vide _Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families_, Quebec,
1881.] He was a pilot, and married, 3rd September, 1647, Helen, the
daughter of Abraham Martin, and widow of Claude Etienne. Abraham Martin
left his name to the celebrated Plains of Abraham, near Quebec. She dying
in 1651, Chouart married, secondly, at Quebec, August 23, 1653, the sister
of Radisson, Margaret Hayet, the widow of John Veron Grandmenil. In Canada,
Chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the Jesuit mission near Lake
Huron. He left the service of the mission about 1646, and commenced trading
with the Indians for furs, in which he was very successful. With his gains
he is supposed to have purchased some land in Canada, as he assumed the
seigneurial title of "Sieur des Groseilliers."

Radisson spent more than ten years trading with the Indians of Canada and
the far West, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years
each, in company with his brother-in-law, Des Groseilliers. He carefully
made notes during his wanderings from 1652 to 1664, which he afterwards
copied out on his voyage to England in 1665. Between these years he made
four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "The
Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, which
was the next year after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24th
day of May." In 1652 a roving band of Iroquois, who had gone as far north
as the Three Rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on
the banks of the Mohawk River. He was adopted into the family of a "great
captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was
marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." In the autumn of
1653 he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into
the Dutch territory. They arrived "the next day in a small brough of the
Hollanders," Rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to Fort Orange.
Here they remained several days, and Radisson says: "Our treaty's being
done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way
that we came, to see again our village."

At Fort Orange Radisson met with the Jesuit Father, Joseph Noncet, who had
also been captured in Canada by the Mohawks and taken to their country. In
September he was taken down to Fort Orange by his captors, and it is
mentioned in the Jesuit "Relations" of 1653, chapter iv., that he "found
there a young man captured near Three Rivers, who had been ransomed by the
Dutch and acted as interpreter." A few weeks after the return of the
Indians to their village, Radisson made his escape alone, and found his way
again to Fort Orange, from whence he was sent to New Amsterdam, or Menada,
as he calls it. Here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for
Holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at Amsterdam
"the 4/7 of January, 1654. A few days after," he says, "I imbarqued myself
for France, and came to Rochelle well and safe." He remained until Spring,
waiting for "the transport of a shipp for New France."

The relation of the second journey is entitled, "The Second Voyage, made in
the Upper Country of the Irokoits." He landed in Canada, from his return
voyage from France, on the 17th of May, 1654, and on the 15th set off to
see his relatives at Three Rivers. He mentions that "in my absence peace
was made betweene the French and the Iroquoits, which was the reson I
stayed not long in a place. The yeare before the ffrench began a new
plantation in the upper country of the Iroquoits, which is distant from the
Low Iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher I was prisoner and been
in the warrs of that country.... At that very time the Reverend Fathers
Jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach
Christian doctrine. I offered myself to them and was, as their custome is,
kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in
June, 1657." Charlevoix [Footnote: _Charlevoix's History of New France_,
Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 256.] says: "In 1651 occurred the almost complete
destruction of the Huron nation. Peace was concluded in 1653. Father Le
Moyne went in 1654, to ratify the treaty of peace, to Onondaga, and told
the Indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. His offer
was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. He left
Quebec July 2, 1654, and returned September 11. In 1655 Fathers Chaumont
and Dablon were sent to Onondaga, and arrived there November 5, and began
at once to build a chapel. [Footnote: _Charlevoix's Hist. of New France_,
Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 263.]

"Father Dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at
Onondaga, was sent back to Montreal, 30 March, 1656, for reinforcements. He
returned with Father Francis le Mercier and other help. They set out from
Quebec 7 May, 1656, with a force composed of four nations: French,
Onondagas, Senecas, and a few Hurons. About fifty men composed the party.
Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the
proposed settlement at Onondaga. On their arrival they at once proceeded to
erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence.

"While these things were passing at Onondaga, the Hurons on the Isle
Orleans, where they had taken refuge from the Iroquois, no longer deeming
themselves secure, sought an asylum in Quebec, and in a moment of
resentment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent secretly to
propose to the Mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only
one people with them. They had no sooner taken this step than they
repented; but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they
endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to
compel them to adhere to it." [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. II. p.278.] The
different families of the Hurons held a council, and "the Attignenonhac or
Cord family resolved to stay with the French; the Arendarrhonon, or Rock,
to go to Onondaga; and the Attignaonanton, or Bear, to join the Mohawks."
[Footnote: _Relation Nouvelle France_, 1657 and _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed.,
Vol. II. p 280.] "In 1657 Onondagas had arrived at Montreal to receive the
Hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous."
[Footnote: _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed., Vol. III. p. 13.] Some Frenchmen and
two Jesuits were to accompany them. One of the former was Radisson, who had
volunteered; and the two Jesuits were Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph
Inbert Duperon. The party started on their journey in July, 1657.

The relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with
the narrative of their journey to Onondaga, his residence at the mission,
and its abandonment on the night of the 20th of March, 1658. On his way
thither he was present at the massacre of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in
August, 1657. His account of the events of 1657 and 1658, concerning the
mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of Charlevoix,
[Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. III. p. 13.] and the Jesuit relations written for
those years by Father Ragueneau. Radisson, in concluding his second
narrative, says: "About the last of March we ended our great and incredible
dangers. About fourteen nights after we went downe to the Three Rivers,
where most of us stayed. A month after, my brother and I resolves to
travell and see countreys. Wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. We
proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very
faire countreys." He says of the third voyage: "Now followeth the
Auxoticiat, or Auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the
hurrons upper sea of the East and bay of the North." He mentions that
"about the middle of June, 1658, we began to take leave of our company and
venter our lives for the common good."

Concerning the third voyage, Radisson states above, "wee proceeded three
years." The memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some
confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation,
as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. At the close of
his fourth narrative, on his return from the Lake Superior country, where
he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says:
"You must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four Algonquins
to make a league with three score Hurrons for to goe and wait for the
Iroquoits in the passage." This passage was the Long Sault, on the Ottawa
river, where the above seventeen Frenchmen were commanded by a young
officer of twenty-five, Adam Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux. The massacre of
the party took place on May 21, 1660, and is duly recorded by several
authorities; namely, Dollier de Casson [Footnote: _Histoire de Montreal,
Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1660, p. 14.], M. Marie [Footnote: _De
l'Incarnation_, p. 261.], and Father Lalemont [Footnote: _Journal_, June 8,
1660.]. As Radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would
make it appear as having occurred in May, 1664. He writes: "It was a
terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat,
which saved us without doubt." He started on this third journey about the
middle of June, 1658, and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it
two years, instead of over three, as he says. Charlevoix gives the above
incident in detail. [Footnote: Shea's edition, Vol. III. p. 33, n.]

During the third voyage Radisson and his brother-in-law went to the
Mississippi River in 1658/9. He says, "Wee mett with severall sorts of
people. Wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By
the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides
itself in two where the hurrons with some Ottanake and the wild men that
had warrs with them had retired.... The river is called the forked, because
it has two branches: the one towards the West, the other towards the South,
which we believe runs towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave." They also
made diligent inquiry concerning Hudson's Bay, and of the best means to
reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future
exploration and trade. They must have returned to the Three Rivers about
June 1, 1660. Radisson says: "Wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. My
brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seen or
no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we
have not ben in the bay of the north (Hudson's Bay), not knowing anything
but by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for
feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a
discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover
anything of it."

In the fourth narrative he says: "The Spring following we weare in hopes to
meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during
the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had
seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe,
it was knowne so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a
way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the North, by the
Sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to
make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our
intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that
voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterly
denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." They made an
application to the Governor of Quebec for permission to start upon this
their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard
conditions which they found it impossible to accept. In August they
departed without the Governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their
journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the
Sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for
them two days in the Lake of St. Peter, some six leagues from Three Rivers.
Their journey was made to the country about Lake Superior, where they
passed much of their time among the nations of the Sault, Fire, Christinos
(Knisteneux), Beef, and other tribes.

Being at Lake Superior, Radisson says they came "to a remarkable place.
It's a banke of Rocks that the wild men made a Sacrifice to,... it's like a
great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part of that
opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is,
I believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of 500 tuns could passe by,
soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of St. Peter,
because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian that ever
saw it." Concerning Hudson's Bay, whilst they were among the Christinos at
Lake Assiniboin, Radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to
know what we heard before, we waited untill the Ice should vanish."

The Governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of Radisson and his
brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. On
their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not
having obeyed his orders; he fines us L. 4,000 to make a fort at the three
rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us
leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover L. 6,000 for the
country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being
wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country
with our relations and friends.... Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother
did resolve to go and demand justice in France." Failing to get
restitution, they resolved to go over to the English. They went early in
1665 to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, and from thence to New England, where they
engaged an English or New England ship for a trading adventure into
Hudson's Straits in 61 deg. north.

This expedition was attempted because Radisson and Des Groseilliers, on
their last journey to Lake Superior, "met with some savages on the lake of
Assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the
bottom of Hudson's Bay, where the English had not been yet, at James Bay;
upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages
accordingly did it. They returned to the upper lake the same way they
came, and thence to Quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to
carry ships to Hudson's Bay; but their project was rejected. Des
Groseilliers then went to France in hopes of a more favorable hearing at
Court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of
time and money, he was answered as he had been at Quebec, and the project
looked upon as chimerical." [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 548.] This
voyage to Hudson's Straits proved unremunerative. "Wee had knowledge and
conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that
there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of
the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our Master." Radisson
continues: "Wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." One of
these ships was sent to "the Isle of Sand, there to fish for Basse to make
oyle of it," and was soon after lost.

In New England, in the early part of the year 1665, Radisson and Des
Groseilliers met with two of the four English Commissioners who were sent
over by Charles II in 1664 to settle several important questions in the
provinces of New York and New England. They were engaged in the prosecution
of their work in the different governments from 1664 to 1665/6. The two
Frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in Boston to defend themselves in a
lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of
the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the
two ships contracted for was lost. The writer states, that "the expectation
of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much
discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us
to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had
disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee
innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an
agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party.

"In the mean time the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain arrived in
that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to New York, and the
other advised us to come to England and offer ourselves to the King, which
wee did." The Commissioners were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr,
Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Mavericke. Sir Robert Carr wished the
two Frenchmen to go with him to New York, but Colonel George Cartwright,
erroneously called by Radisson in his manuscript "Cartaret," prevailed upon
them to embark with him from Nantucket, August 1, 1665. On this voyage
Cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of
the Royal Commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies."
They had also as a fellow passenger George Carr, presumably the brother of
Sir Robert, and probably the acting secretary to the Commission. Colonel
Richard Nicolls, writing to Secretary Lord Arlington, July 31, 1665, Says,
"He supposes Col. Geo. Cartwright is now at sea." George Carr, also writing
to Lord Arlington, December 14, 1665, tells him that "he sends the
transactions of the Commissioners in New England briefly set down, each
colony by itself. The papers by which all this and much more might have
been demonstrated were lost in obeying His Majesty's command by keeping
company with Captain Pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in
probability we might have been in England ten days before we met the Dutch
'Caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in Spain.
Hearing also some Frenchmen discourse in New England of a passage from the
West Sea to the South Sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage,
and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had
said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out
of a North Western passage, he thought them the best present he could
possibly make His Majesty, and persuaded them to come to England. Begs His
Lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and
service." Colonel Cartwright, upon his capture at Sea by the Dutch "Caper,"
threw all his despatches and papers overboard.

No doubt the captain of the Dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers
of Radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of
them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration
of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of
one important and well-known event in Canadian history. It is evident that
the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for
presentation to the King. Towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says:
"We are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the
Commissioners called Collonell George Cartaret, was taken by the
Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the plague
and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Cartaret, who spoke
to His Majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for
the next Spring, and that the King did allow us forty shillings a week for
our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee
stayed three months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to
Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter."

Charles II., with his Court, came to open Parliament and the Courts of Law
at Oxford, September 25, 1665, and left for Hampton Court to reside,
January 27, 1666. Radisson and Des Groseilliers must have arrived there
about the 25th of October. DeWitt, the Dutch statesman, and Grand
Pensionary of the States of Holland from 1652, becoming informed by the
captain of the Dutch "Caper" of the errand of Radisson and his companion
into England, despatched an emissary to that country in 1666 to endeavor to
entice them out of the English into the service of the Dutch. Sir John
Colleton first brought the matter before the notice of Lord Arlington in a
letter of November 12th. The agent of DeWitt was one Elie Godefroy Touret,
a native of Picardy, France, and an acquaintance of Groseilliers. Touret
had lived over ten years in the service of the Rhinegrave at Maestricht.
Thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass
himself off in London as Groseilliers' nephew. One Monsieur Delheure
deposed that Groseilliers "always held Touret in suspicion for calling
himself his nephew, and for being in England without employment, not being
a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his
company as dangerous to the State. Has heard Touret say that if his uncle
Groseilliers were in service of the States of Holland, he would be more
considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his
discovery were under the protection of Holland, all would go better with
him."

On the 21st of November a warrant was issued to the Keeper of the Gate
House, London, "to take into custody the person of Touret for corresponding
with the King's enemies." On the 23d of December Touret sent in a petition
to Lord Arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment,
and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that
Groseilliers, Radisson, and a certain priest in London tried to persuade
him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had
persecuted and entered the accusation against him.

To Des Groseilliers and Radisson must be given the credit of originating
the idea of forming a settlement at Hudson's Bay, out of which grew the
profitable organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. They obtained through
the English Ambassador to France an interview with Prince Rupert, and laid
before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading
merchants of Canada and the French Court. Prince Rupert at once foresaw the
value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required
assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in 1667 two
ships from London, the "Eagle," Captain Stannard, and the "Nonsuch," ketch,
Captain Zechariah Gillam. This Gillam is called by Oldmixon a New
Englander, and was probably the same one who went in 1664/5 with Radisson
and Groseilliers to Hudson's Strait on the unsuccessful voyage from Boston.

Radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in London by
the help of Prince Rupert and his associates. The third year after their
arrival in England "wee went out with a new Company in two small vessels,
my brother in one and I in another, and wee went together four hundred
leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise
and put us asunder. The sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that
it did almost overturne our ship. So that wee were forced to cut our masts
rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked; and the
other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him."

Captain Gillam and the ketch "Nonsuch," with Des Groseilliers, proceeded on
their voyage, "passed thro Hudson's Streights, and then into Baffin's Bay
to 75 deg. North, and thence Southwards into 51 deg., where, in a river
afterwards called Prince Rupert river, He had a friendly correspondence
with the natives, built a Fort, named it Charles Fort, and returned with
Success." [Footnote: Oldmixon, _British Empire_, ed. 1741, Vol. I. p. 544]
When Gillam and Groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting
them out "applied themselves to Charles II. for a patent, who granted one
to them and their successors for the Bay called Hudson's Streights."
[Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 545.] The patent bears date the 2d of May,
in the twenty-second year of Charles II., 1670.

In Ellis's manuscript papers [Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. V. p.319] has been
found the following original draft of an "answer of the Hudson's Bay
Company to a French paper entitled Memoriall justifieing the pretensions of
France to Fort Bourbon." 1696/7.

"The French in this paper carrying their pretended right of Discovery and
settlement no higher then the year 1682, and their being dispossessed in
1684. Wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how
those two actions were managed. Mr. Radisson, mentioned in the said paper
to have made this settlement for the French at Port Nelson in 1682, was
many years before settled in England, and marryed an English wife, Sir John
Kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the English
upon private adventure before as well as after the Incorporation of the
Hudson's Bay Company. In 1667, when Prince Rupert and other noblemen set
out two shipps, Radisson went in the Eagle, Captain Stannard commander, and
in that voyage the name of Rupert's river was given. Again in 1668 and in
1669, and in this voyage directed his course to Port Nelson, and went on
shore with one Bayly (designed Governor for the English), fixed the King of
England's arms there, & left some goods for trading. In 1671 three ships
were set out from London by the Hudson's Bay Company, then incorporated,
and Radisson went in one of them in their service, settled Moose River, &
went to Port Nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at Rupert's
River. In 1673, upon some difference with the Hudson's Bay Company,
Radisson returned into France and was there persuaded to go to Canada. He
formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the French into
Hudson's Bay, which the Governor, Monsr. Frontenac, would by no means
permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two Kings."

Oldmixon says [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 549.] that the
above-mentioned Charles Baily, with whom went Radisson and ten or twenty
men, took out with him Mr. Thomas Gorst as his secretary, who at his
request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of
Oldmixon. The following extracts give some idea of the life led by the
fur-traders at the Fort: "They were apprehensive of being attacked by some
Indians, whom the French Jesuits had animated against the English and all
that dealt with them. The French used many artifices to hinder the natives
trading with the English; they gave them great rates for their goods, and
obliged Mr Baily to lower the price of his to oblige the Indians who dwelt
about Moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. The French, to
ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above
eight days' journey up that river from the place where the English traded.
'Twas therefore debated whether the Company's Agents should not remove from
Rupert's to Moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the
French. On the 3d of April, 1674, a council of the principal persons in the
Fort was held, where Mr Baily, the Governor, Captain Groseilliers, and
Captain Cole were present and gave their several opinions. The Governor
inclined to move. Captain Cole was against it, as dangerous, and Captain
Groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [Footnote: Oldmixon,
Vol. I. p. 552.] ... The Governor, having got everything ready for a voyage
to Moose river, sent Captain Groseilliers, Captain Cole, Mr Gorst, and
other Indians to trade there. They got two hundred and fifty skins, and the
Captain of the Tabittee Indians informed them the French Jesuits had bribed
the Indians not to deal with the English, but to live in friendship with
the Indian nations in league with the French.... The reason they got no
more peltry now was because the Indians thought Groseilliers was too hard
for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [Footnote: Oldmixon,
Vol. I. p. 554.] After Captain Baily [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 555.]
had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the 30th
Aug a missionary Jesuit, born of English parents, arrived, bearing a letter
from the Governor of Quebec to Mr Baily, dated the 8th of October, 1673.

"The Governor of Quebec desired Mr Baily to treat the Jesuit civilly, on
account of the great amity between the two crowns. Mr Baily resolved to
keep the priest till ships came from England. He brought a letter, also,
for Capt Groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the English of his
corresponding with the French. His son-in-law lived in Quebec, and had
accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other Frenchmen, who,
being afraid to venture among strange Indians, returned.... Provisions
running short, they were agreed, on the 17th Sept, they were all to depart
for Point Comfort, to stay there till the 22d, and then make the best of
their way for England. In this deplorable condition were they when the
Jesuit, Capt Groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the
seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. They
came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and
assured them it was true. Upon which they fired three great guns from the
fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such
an uncertainty." The ship "Prince Rupert" had arrived, with Captain Gillam,
bringing the new Governor, William Lyddel, Esq.

Groseilliers and Radisson, after remaining for several years under the
Hudson's Bay Company, at last in 1674 felt obliged to sever the connection,
and went over again to France. Radisson told his nephew in 1684 that the
cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the Hudson's Bay
Company to satisfy us." Several influential members of the committee of
direction for the Company were desirous of retaining them in their employ;
among them the Duke of York, Prince Rupert their first Governor, Sir James
Hayes, Sir William Young, Sir John Kirke, and others; but it is evident
there was a hostile feeling towards Radisson and his brother-in-law on the
part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful
expedition in 1684 they found "some members of the committee offended
because I had had the honour of making my reverence to the King and to his
Royal Highness."

From 1674 to 1683, Radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance
to Louis XIV. In his narrative of the years 1682 and 1683 he shews that
Colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into France, it
would appear to remain there during his absence in Hudson's Bay, as some
sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the French
monarch. After his return from this voyage in 1683 he felt himself again
unfairly treated by the French Court, and in 1684, as he relates in his
narrative, he "passed over to England for good, and of engaging myself so
strongly to the service of his Majesty, and to the interests of the Nation,
that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it."

We again hear of Radisson in Hudson's Bay in 1685; and this is his last
appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. A Canadian,
Captain Berger, states that in the beginning of June, 1685, "he and his
crew ascended four leagues above the English in Hudson's Bay, where they
made a Small Settlement. On the 15th of July they set out to return to
Quebec. On the 17th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded
by Captain Oslar, on board of which was the man named Bridgar, the
Governor, who was going to relieve the Governor at the head of the Bay. He
is the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the ship
Monsieur de la Barre restored to him. Berger also says he asked a parley
with the captain of Mr Bridgar's bark, who told him that Radisson had gone
with Mr Chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the River Santa
Theresa, where they wintered a year." [Footnote: _New York Colonial
Documents_, Vol. IX.]

After this date the English and the French frequently came into hostile
collision in Hudson's Bay. In 1686 King James demanded satisfaction from
France for losses inflicted upon the Company. Then the Jesuits procured
neutrality for America, and knew by that time they were in possession of
Fort Albany. In 1687 the French took the "Hayes" sloop, an infraction of
the treaty. In 1688 they took three ships, valued, in all, at L. 15,000; L.
113,000 damage in time of peace. In 1692 the Company set out four ships to
recover Fort Albany, taken in 1686. In 1694 the French took York, alias
Fort Bourbon. In 1696 the English retook it from them. On the 4th
September, 1697, the French retook it and kept it. The peace was made
September 20, 1697. [Footnote: _Minutes Relating to Hudson's Bay Company_.]
In 1680 the stock rose from L. 100 to near L. 1,000. Notwithstanding the
losses sustained by the Company, amounting to L. 118,014 between 1682 and
1688, they were able to pay in 1684 the shareholders a dividend of fifty
per cent. Radisson brought home in 1684 a cargo of 20,000 beaver skins.
Oldmixon says, "10,000 Beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best
years of Trade they ever had, besides other peltry." Again in 1688 a
dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in 1689 one of twenty-five per
cent. In 1690, without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at
the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased
or newly created stock. At the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, the forts
captured by the French in 1697 were restored to the Company, who by 1720
had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. After a
long and fierce rivalry with the Northwest Fur Company, the two companies
were amalgamated in 1821. [Footnote: Encyclopaedia Britannica.]

Radisson commences his narrative of 1652 in a reverent spirit, by
inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de Dieu." All his manuscripts have
been handed down in perfect preservation. They are written out in a clear
and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good
education, who had also travelled in Turkey and Italy, and who had been in
London, and perhaps learned his English there in his early life. The
narrative of travels between the years 1652 and 1664 was for some time the
property of Samuel Pepys, the well-known diarist, and Secretary of the
Admiralty to Charles II. and James II. He probably received it from Sir
George Cartaret, the Vice-Chamberlain of the King and Treasurer of the
Navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by
the author, So that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of
Charles II. Some years after the death of Pepys, in 1703, his collection of
manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various London
tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper.
The most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated
collector, Richard Rawlinson, who in writing to his friend T. Rawlins,
from. "London house, January 25th, 1749/50," says: "I have purchased the
best part of the fine collection of Mr Pepys, Secretary to the Admiralty
during the reigns of Charles 2d and James 2d. Some are as old as King Henry
VIII. They were collected with a design for a Lord High Admiral such as he
should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was
taken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_."

The manuscript containing Radisson's narrative for the years 1682 and 1683
was "purchased of Rodd, 8th July, 1839," by the British Museum. The
narrative in French, for the year 1684, was bought by Sir Hans Sloane from
the collection of "Nicolai Joseph Foucault, Comitis Consistoriani," as his
bookplate informs us. With the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in
the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in
Italian, relating to some of the saints of the Catholic Church. [Footnote:
I am under obligations to Mr. John Gilmary Shea for valuable information.]




VOYAGES
OF
PETER ESPRIT RADISSON.

_The Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits,
which was the next yeare after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651,
the 24th day of May._

Being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreat
ourselves in fowling, I disposed myselfe to keepe them Company; wherfor I
cloathed myselfe the lightest way I could possible, that I might be the
nimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that I hoped for, as for
to escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy the
cruelest that ever was uppon the face of the Earth. It is to bee observed
that the french had warre with a wild nation called Iroquoites, who for
that time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durst
stirre out either Cottage or house without being taken or kill'd,
[Footnote: In 1641-1645 Father Vimont writes: "I had as lief be beset by
goblins as by the Iroquois. The one are about as invisible as the other.
Our people on the Richelieu and at Montreal are kept in a closer
confinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents in
France."] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; being
departed, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandon
one another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mens
deboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security.

At an offspring of a village of three Rivers we consult together that two
should go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for to
advertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any Barbars
in ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thing
uppon the River. Having comed to the first river, which was a mile distant
from our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, and
asked him if he had knowne any appearance of Ennemy, and likewise demanded
which way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spied
more danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by no
means not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, said
he, I discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weare
of a sudaine from of the Earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemys
that way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of our
fowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. Priming
our pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for us
to avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but my
nose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. Certainly it was
a warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and of
miseryes that weare to befall mee. We did shoot sometime and killed some
Duks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. I seeing him
taking such a resolution, I proferred some words that did not like him,
giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this did
nothing prevaile with him, to the Contrary that had with him quite another
isue then what I hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailed
so much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. I lett them
goe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, and
that I would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat to
make us meate att my retourne.

I went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where I
finde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which made
me goe a league off and more, so I could not go in all further then
St. Peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the river
Ovamasis, which hindered me the pasage. I begun'd to think att my retourne
how I might transport my fowle. I hide one part in a hollow tree to keep
them from the Eagles and other devouring fowles, so as I came backe the
same way where before had no bad incounter. Arrived within one halfe a mile
where my comrades had left me, I rested awhile by reason that I was
looden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales.

After having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, I thought to have heard
a noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; I found one
of my girdle pistols wette. I shott it off and charged it againe, went up
to the wood the soffliest I might, to discover and defend myselfe the
better against any surprise. After I had gone from tree to tree some 30
paces off I espied nothing; as I came back from out of the wood to an
adjacent brooke, I perceived a great number of Ducks; my discovery
imbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, I
determined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute,
I found another worke, the two young men that I left some tenne houres
before heere weare killed. Whether they came after mee, or weare brought
thither by the Barbars, I know not. However [they] weare murthered. Looking
over them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, the
one being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchett
on the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a sword
and smitten with an hatchett. Att the same instance my nose begun'd to
bleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to the
watter side to see if any body followed mee, I espied twenty or thirty
heads in a long grasse. Mightily surprized att the view, I must needs passe
through the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. I slipped a
boullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. I heard a noise,
which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswading
myselfe I was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in the
meane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry.

Seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or rather
devils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, I shott my
gunne, whether un warrs or purposly I know not, but I shott with a pistolle
confidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw me
downe, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards I
felt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence it
comes I doe not remember. In the same time they brought me into the wood,
where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. After they consulted
together for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or five
miles from thence, and wher I have bin a while before. They layed mee
hither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they began
to errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyle
their meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to mee
to finde such an alteration so sudaine. They made [me] sitt downe by. After
this they searched me and tooke what I had, then stripped me naked, and
tyed a rope about my middle, wherin I remained, fearing to persist, in the
same posture the rest of the night. After this they removed me, laughing
and howling like as many wolves, I knowing not the reason, if not for my
skin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. But their gaping did soone
cease because of a false alarme, that their Scout who stayed behind gave
them, saying that the ffrench and the wild Algongins, friends to the
ffrench, came with all speed. They presently put out the fire, and tooke
hould of the most advantageous passages, and sent 25 men to discover what
it meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty.

In the meanewhile I was garded by 50 men, who gave me a good part of my
cloathes. After kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready,
which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, mingling
some yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; so
whilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy grease
greased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. So then,
when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me to
swallow it in a maner. My heart did so faint at this, that in good deede I
should have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes,
thinking every moment they would end my life. They perceived that my
stomach could not beare such victuals. They tooke some of this stinking
meate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle Indian meale
put to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and then
made in powder betwixt two rocks. I, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this,
swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammie
by reason of the scume that was upon the meat. Having supped, they untyed
mee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one of
another, and covered me with a red Coverlet, thorough which I might have
counted the starrs. I slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon the
breaking of the day. I dreamed that night that I was with the Jesuits at
Quebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and also
because I heard those people lived among Dutch people in a place called
Menada [Footnote: _Menada_, Manhattan, or New Netherlands, called by the
French of Canada "Manatte."], and fort of Orang, where without doubt I
could drinke beere. I, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and my
body more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burst
with their filthy meate that I could not digest, but must suffer all
patiently.

Finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bitts
where lesse wormes weare. Then they layd [me] to the watter side, where
there weare 7 and 30 boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. They tyed
me to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the heads
of those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them they
cutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire,
putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott it
dry with hot stones. They spread themselves from off the side of the river
a good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise and
shott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singing
after nots, which was an oudiousom noise. As they weare departing from
thence they injoyned silence, and one of the Company, wherein I was, made
three shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke;
which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the day
in such like. They offered mee meate; but such victuals I reguarded it
litle, but could drinke for thirst. My sperit was troubled with infinite
deale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse;
sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. I allwayes indeavoured to
comfort myselfe, though half dead. My resolution was so mastered with
feare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans I thought it to
be my end.

By sunsett we arrived att the Isles of Richelieu, a place rather for
victors then for captives most pleasant. There is to be seen 300 wild Cowes
together, a number of Elks and Beavers, an infinit of fowls. There we must
make cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits and
art, ffor 15 of these Islands are drowned in Spring, when the floods begin
to rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness of
the land. Here they found a place fitt enough for 250 men that their army
consisted [of]. They landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, saying
Chagon, which is as much [as] to say, as I understood afterwards, be
cheerfull or merry; but for my part I was both deafe and dumb. Their
behaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smiling
countenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, which
proved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combing
my head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying my
haire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haire
to grow longer in a short time.

The day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places and
shoote to gett victualls, where we stayed 3 dayes, making great cheere and
fires. I more and more getting familiarity with them, that I had the
liberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. They untyed mee, and
tooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnest
that I should pronounce as they. They tooke care to give me meate as often
as I would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. They also tooke
the paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves.
There was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. I tooke
notice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke his
way, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty.

The fourth day, early in the morning, my Brother, viz., he that tooke me,
so he called me, embarked me without tying me. He gave me an oare, which I
tooke with a good will, and rowed till I sweate againe. They, perceaving,
made me give over; not content with that I made a signe of my willingnesse
to continue that worke. They consent to my desire, but shewed me how I
should row without putting myselfe into a sweat. Our company being
considerable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. Mid-day wee came to
the River of Richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang of
their people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day of
my taking. They made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves,
saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. In this new company there
was one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him that
tooke me. I taking notice of the fellow, I shewed him more friendshipe. I
gott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower over
it, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nor
did afterwards molest mee.

They tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as I had allready a beginning
of their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our Algonquins
making the same noise. They tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. Often
have I sunged in French, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. We
passed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joy
and mirth. They lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att the
end of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarked
himselfe, some going one way, some another. Being separated, one of the
boats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boat
wherein I was; I wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on my
haire, signifying great kindnesse. Shee combs my head with her fingers and
tyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. My wish was that shee would
proceed in our way. After both companys made a shout wee separated, I was
sorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att her
first aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life.

Our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us to
arrive in a good and pleasant harbour. It was on the side of the sand where
our people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it was
a place they had sejourned [at] before. The place round about [was] full of
trees. Heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for their
food. In this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowne
of the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with some
thicke grease. So done, they brought me a looking-glasse. I viewing myselfe
all in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe,
and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, I could not
but fall in love with myselfe, if not that I had better instructions to
shun the sin of pride. So after repasting themselves, they made them ready
for the journey with takeing repose that night. This was the time I thought
to have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor I being alone feared least I should be
apprehended and dealt with more violently. And moreover I was desirous to
have seene their country.

Att the sun rising I awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was time
to goe. He called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downe
againe. I rose and went to the water side, where I walked awhile. If there
weare another we might, I dare say, escape out of their sight. Heere I
recreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. One of them seeing
mee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made me
more confidence in them. They brought mee a dish full of meate to the water
side. I began to eat like a beare.

In the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that I
had not a knife, brings me his, which I kept the rest of the voyage,
without that they had the least feare of me. Being ready to goe, saving my
boat that was ammending, which was soone done. The other boats weare not as
yett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. They made me
shoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords,
and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way.
At 3 of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where we
weare forced to land and carry our Equipages and boats thorough a dangerous
place. Wee had not any encounter that day. Att night where we found
cottages ready made, there I cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. The
morning early following we marched without making great noise, or singing
as accustomed. Sejourning awhile, we came to a lake 6 leagues wide, about
it a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. That day our
wild people killed 2 Bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the other
a small one. Wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before many
Cabbanes weare errected and places made where Prisoners weare tyed.

In this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: first
heated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne with
small sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place in
the middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place with
severall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. They made a
noise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour they
came out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, I
thought veryly they weare insensed. It is their usual Custome. Being comed
out of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning the
outside of the tripes inward not washed. They gave every one his share; as
for my part I found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. In the
night they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily.
In the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. I
slept securely till the morning, where I found meselfe in great high
rushes. There they stayed without noise.

From thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an Algonquin
army. We went on for some dayes that lake. Att last they endeavoured to
retire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. After a daye's march we
came to a litle river where we lay'd that night. The day following we
proceeded on our journey, where we mett 2 men, with whome our wild men
seemed to be acquainted by some signes. These 2 men began to speake a longe
while. After came a company of women, 20 in number, that brought us dry
fish and Indian corne. These women loaded themselves, after that we had
eaten, like mules with our baggage. We went through a small wood, the way
well beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of 15
Cabbans. There they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by a
yong man. He, my keeper, made a signe I should to him againe. I tourning to
him instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men came
about us, encouraging with their Cryes and hands, which encouraged me most
that non helpt him more then mee. Wee clawed one another with hands,
tooth, and nailes. My adversary being offended I have gotten the best, he
kick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his,
which made him [give up] that game againe. He tooke me about the wrest,
where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon the
ground till some came and putt us asunder. My company seeing mee free,
began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish to
relish me. They encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the other
greasing my haire. There we stayed 2 dayes, where no body durst trouble me.

In the same Cabban that I was, there has bin a wild man wounded with a
small shott. I thought I have seen him the day of my taking, which made me
feare least I was the one that wounded him. He knowing it to be so had
shewed me as much charity as a Christian might have given. Another of his
fellowes (I also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom I
thought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfull
countenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me his
brother. I had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man,
gave me a sacke of tobacco of 12 pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head,
as it's their usuall custome. We made severall stayes the day by reason of
the severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrs
others from fishing and shooting. In that journey our company increased,
among others a great many Hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who for
the most part are as slaves. We lay'd in the wood because they would not
goe into their village in the night time.

The next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heard
nothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarter
of a mile from the village. They satt downe and I in the midle, where I saw
women and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare,
and instantly stripped me naked. My keeper gave me a signe to be gone as
fast as I could drive. In the meane while many of the village came about
us, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand came
near mee. The old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the hand
and lead me out of the company. The old woman made me step aside from
those that weare ready to stricke att mee. There I left the 2 heads of my
comrades, and that with comforted me yet I escaped the blowes. Then they
brought me into their Cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse.
Shee gave me to eate. The great terror I had a litle before tooke my
stomack away from me. I stayed an hower, where a great company of people
came to see mee. Heere came a company of old men, having pipes in their
mouthes, satt about me.

After smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare a
company all Smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made
[me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. But it proved
otherwise; for the old woman followed mee, Speaking aloud, whom they
answered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyed
it, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same place
I was before. Then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] brings
downe from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, who
presently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint that
the fellows stuck to my face. Now the old woman getts me some Indian Corne
toasted in the fire. I tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; after
this shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with to
make me drawers. She looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice shee
would squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiall
meate. I lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers,
and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. I did what I could to gett
familiarity with them, yeat I suffered no wrong att their hands, taking all
freedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. But still they altered my
face where ever I went, and a new dish to satisfy nature.

I tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command,
shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with my
companions. The old woman wished that I would make meselfe more familiar
with her 2 daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. They weare
accustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. I went with them
into the wilderness, there they would be gabling which I could not
understand. They wanted no company but I was shure to be of the number. I
brought all ways some guifts that I received, which I gave to my
purse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. I lived 5 weeks without
thinking from whence I came. I learned more of their maners in 6 weeks then
if I had bin in ffrance 6 months. Att the end I was troubled in minde,
which made her inquire if I was Anjonack, a Huron word. Att this I made as
if I weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee liked
well, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, Orinha,
[Footnote: Called _Orimha_, over-leaf.] which signifies ledd or stone,
without difference of the words. So that it was my Lordshippe. Shee
inquired [of] mee whether I was Asserony, a french. I answering no, saying
I was Panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased.

My father feasted 300 men that day. My sisters made me clean for that
purpos, and greased my haire. My mother decked me with a new cover and a
redd and blew cappe, with 2 necklace of porcelaine. My sisters tyed me with
braceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. My brother painted my face,
and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. My
father was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and a
necklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in my
hand. It was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being so
laden with riches. Then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrations
of vallor, broak a kettle full of Cagamite [Footnote: _Cagamite, Cagaimtie,
Sagamite_, a mush made of pounded Indian corn boiled with bits of meat or
fish.] with a hattchett So they sung, as is their usual coustom. They weare
waited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate of
Oriniacke, [Footnote: _Oriniacke, Auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, the
largest species of deer. Called by the French writers-- Sagard-Theodat, La
Hontan, and Charlevoix--_Eslan, Orinal_, or _Orignal_.] of Castors, and of
red deer mingled with some flowers. The order of makeing was thus: the
corne being dried between 2 stones into powder, being very thick, putt it
into a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of Bear's grease. This
banquett being over, they cryed to me Shagon, Orimha, that is, be hearty,
stone or ledd. Every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did I.

But to the purpose of my history. As I went to the fields once, where I
mett with 3 of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great way
off, they desired me to goe along. I lett them know in Huron language (for
that I knew better then that of the Iroquoits) I was content, desiring them
to stay till I acquainted my mother. One of them came along with mee, and
gott leave for me of my kindred. My mother gott me presently a sack of
meale, 3 paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the 2 stayed for
us. My 2 sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried my
bundle, where they tooke leave.

We marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where we
travelled without any rest. I wished I had stayed att home, for we had sad
victualls. The next day about noone we came to a River; there we made a
skiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. I admired their skill in
doing of it, ffor in lesse then 2 hours they cutt the tree and pulled up
the Rind, of which they made the boat. We embarked ourselves and went to
the lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake of
about 2 miles in length and a mile in breadth. We passed this lake into
another river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of a
stagge, which made us stay heere a while. It was five of the clock att
least when 2 of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast;
the other and I stayed behind. Not long after we saw the stagge crosse the
river, which foarding brought him to his ending. So done, they went on
their cours, and came backe againe att 10 of the clocke with 3 bears, a
castor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. How did wee rejoice
to see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. After we have eaten,
wee slept.

The next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie,
one about one thing, one about another. As 3 of us retourned homewards to
our cottage we heard a wild man singing. He made us looke to our selves
least he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him,
who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a Beare since
morning, and that he gave him over, having lost his 2 doggs by the same
beare. He came with us to our Cottage, where we mett our companion after
having killed one beare, 2 staggs, and 2 mountain catts, being 5 in number.
Whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the Algonquin
language. I wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken 2
years agoe; he asked me concerning the 3 rivers and of Quebuck, who wished
himselfe there, and I said the same, though I did not intend it. He asked
me if I loved the french. I inquired [of] him also if he loved the
Algonquins? Mary, quoth he, and so doe I my owne nation. Then replyed he,
Brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the 3 rivers are not a farre off. I
tould him my 3 comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed my
mother to bring me back againe. Then he inquired whether I would live like
the Hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with the
ffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. Feare not, quoth he, shall
kill them all 3 this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be an
easy matter with their owne hatchetts.

Att last I consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country,
that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murdered
them. I promissed him to succour him in his designe. They not understanding
our language asked the Algonquin what is that that he said, but tould them
some other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. Their belly full,
their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day's
journey, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe without
the least danger. Then my wild man pushed me, thinking I was a sleepe. He
rises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other,
and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand gives
me one; to tell the truth I was loathsome to do them mischif that never did
me any. Yett for the above said reasons I tooke the hattchet and began the
Execution, which was soone done. My fellow comes to him that was nearest to
the fire (I dare say he never saw the stroake), and I have done that like
to an other, but I hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could not
disingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast,
butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked the
third; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presently
after I shott him dead.

Then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps,
after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. We tooke 3
guns, leaving the 4th, their 2 swoords, their hattchetts, their powder and
shott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. I was
sorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. Wee
tooke our journey that night alongst the river. The break of day we landed
on the side of a rock which was smooth. We carryed our boat and equippage
into the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayed
most sadly all that day tormented by the Maringoines; [Footnote:
_Musquetos_.] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it from
the raine. The night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place,
we goe without any noise for our safty. Wee travelled 14 nights in that
maner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. When we have perceaved any
fire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be]
possible. Att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came to
the lake of St. Peeter's.

We landed about 4 of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr out
of the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. We retired
into the wood, where we made a fire some 200 paces from the river. There we
roasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while from
the many labours of the former night. So, having slept, my companion awaks
first, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come to
our dweling, of which councel I did not approve. [I] tould him the Ennemys
commonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well
[to] stay in that place till sunnsett. Then, said he, lett us begon, we
[are] passed all feare. Let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelps
that killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. Nay,
saith he, Brother, if you come not, I will leave you, and will go through
the woods till I shall be over against the french quarters. There I will
make a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. I will tell to the Governor
that you stayed behind. Take courage, man, says he. With this he tooke his
peece and things. Att this I considered how if [I] weare taken att the
doore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility I saw to go by
myselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, that
I could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that I
should be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him that
so much ventured for mee. I resolved to go along through the woods; but the
litle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should
[take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hath
lost his life by it, and I in great danger have escaped by the helpe of the
Almighty. I consent to goe by watter with him.

In a short time wee came to the lake. The watter very calme and cleare. No
liklyhood of any storme. We hazarded to the other side of the lake,
thinking ffor more security. After we passed the third part of the lake, I
being the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, which
proved a real thing. He at this rises and tells mee that it was a company
of buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. We went on, where wee soone
perceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. We went back
againe towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, but
it was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare within
halfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. Seeing them approaching
nigher and nigher, we threw the 3 heads in the watter. They meet with these
3 heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runn
away from their country. We weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottom
of the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. When those cruel inhumans
came within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should gett
a way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding my
comrade, [who] fell dead. I expected such another shott. The litle skiff
was pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran in
a pace. I defended me selfe with the 2 arms. Att last they environed me
with their boats, that tooke me just as I was a sinking. They held up the
wild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with all
diligence to land. I thought to die without mercy.

They made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off his
head, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of their
boats. They cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it and
eat it. If he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best to
keepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with small
fires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat,
and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable,
they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. That was
the miserable end of that wretch.

Lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that I was
to undergo. Whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the others
tyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyed
me above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me,
not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. So [they]
brought me in that pickle to the boat. As I was imbarqued they asked mee
severall questions. I being not able to answer, gave me great blowes with
their fists. [They] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me.

What displeasure had I, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almost
come to my journey's end, that I must now goe back againe to suffer such
torments, as death was to be expected. Having lost all hopes, I resolved
alltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. I was not the [only]
one in the clawes of those wolves. Their company was composed of 150 men.
These tooke about Quebucq and other places 2 frenchmen, one french woman,
17 Hurrons, men as [well as] women. They had Eleven heads which they sayd
weare of the Algonquins, and I was the 33rd victime with those cruels.

The wild men that weare Prisners sang their fatal song, which was a
mornfull song or noise. The 12 couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for a
shew. We prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. As
for me, I was put into a boat with a Huron whose fingers weare cutt and
bourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhuman
devils. They did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner,
least I should tell him any news, as I imagine, but sent me to another
boat, where I remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which proved
somewhat to my disadvantage.

In this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, I answered him
as I could best; tould him how I was adopted by such an one by name, and as
I was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us,
and after he had eaten went his way. In the evening [he] came back againe
and found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my 3 companions,
and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. That old
man believed me in some measure, which I perceived in him by his kindnesse
towards me. But he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a will
to doe me mischief. Many slandred me, but I tooke no notice.

Some 4 leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, very
difficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand
[bank] a league wide. To this very houre I tooke notice how they tyed their
captives, though att my owne cost. They planted severall poastes of the
bignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poasts
far a sunder from one another. Then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows,
and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt 4 barrs
of the bignesse of a legge & used thus. They tooke 2 for the necke, puting
one of each side, tying the 2 ends together, so that our heads weare fast
in a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. And what
tormented us most was the Maringoines and great flyes being in abundance;
did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces from
the sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we are
cruelly tormented. Our voyage was laborious and most miserable, suffering
every night the like misery.

When we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to our
greatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came to
see us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. One cutt of a
finger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingers
into their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. Some
tooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which
[they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused our
hands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. Having souffred all
these crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffer
their Prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which is
att the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before I
escaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. Now I must
think to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the 3 men, but the
feare of death takes away the feare of blowes.

Nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and 2 left behind with the
heads. In this place we had 8 coulours. Who would not shake att the sight
of so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of Instruments:
staves, hand Irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets?
Others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the Crueltie could
invent to putt their Prisoners to greater torments. Heere, no help, no
remedy. We must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity without
helpe. He that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last,
getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. For the
meanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then to
the others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfuly
and with constancy.

They begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environed
with a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidious
sight, which seriously may be called the Image of hell in this world. The
men sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victores
cryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. In a word, all
prepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, having
nothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litle
according [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a long
rope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew them
cruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment.

As our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see the
prisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death of
the 3 men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many of
which came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then any
other. But it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult I perceaved my
father & mother with their 2 daughters. The mother pushes in among the Crew
directly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of my
haire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of my
ranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me have
courage, conducting me an other way home to his Cabban, when he made me
sitt downe. [He] said to me: You senselesse, thou was my son, and thou
rendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest not
thy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thou
notwithstanding will kill me. Bee merry; Conharrassan, give him to eate.
That was the name of one of the sisters. My heart shook with trembling and
feare, which tooke away my stomach. Neverthelesse to signifie a bould
countenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accounted
among all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is very
presumptious and haughty. Because of their magnanimity and victories
opposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running over
the whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all they
meete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom they
please to give liberty. God gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of my
duty, as I tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme I
could, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag with
that of the Hurrons, which I learned more fluently then theirs, being
longer and more frequently with the Hurrons.

Every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save my
life. Uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters the
Cabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents,
made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. After a while
my father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. My mother seeing
this, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and I believing in a terrible
motion to goe directly on to the place of execution. I must march, I must
yeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place.

I was conducted where I found a good company of those miserable wretches,
alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. One
miserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes of
sticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could
[bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. This was the
end of this Execrable wofull body of this miserable.

They made me goe up the scaffold where weare 5 men, 3 women, and 2 children
captives, and I made the Eleventh. There weare severall scaffolds nigh one
an other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singings
replenished the heavens with their Cryes. For I can say that an houre
before the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weather
changed and rayned Extremely. The most part retired for to avoid this
hayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by the
retiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the Band of
hell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor those
litle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventions
of wickednesse. This is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up,
and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest.

I prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the torments
that I have seen souffred att Coutu, after that they have passed the
sallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters that
they meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. They tie the prisoners to
a poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath a
bourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily.
They putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments of
Iron. They take these and quench them on human flesh. They pluck out their
nailes for the most part in this sort. They putt a redd coale of fire uppon
it, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. After they stop the
blood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one after
another from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can,
they cutt it with peeces of redd hott Iron; they squeeze the fingers
between 2 stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when the
flesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. After
they tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawing
him one way, another of another way. If the sinews be not cutt with a
stick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast as
they can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. Some others cutt
peeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eat
it, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. They
breake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle,
and upon this do hang 5 or 6 hattchetts, red hott, which they hang about
their neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into it
some sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and then
give it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it by
the stumps of his remalning fingers. If he cannot sing they make him quack
like a henne.

I saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night,
throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bourne
their feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. The litle ones doe exercise
themselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hard
straw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now &
then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter and
make them repose on fresh leaves. They also give them to eat of the best
they have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments.
Then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, they
cover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and often
getts the platter a fire. In the next place they cloath you with a suit
made of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. They
cutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. When they
See the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drink
some of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make them
valient. If you have indured all the above said torments patiently and
without moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burning
blades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the head
and putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which they
hawle about their village. Lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave
[him] in the fields to be eaten by the Crowes or doggs.

Now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along
[through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of 2 or 300 rogues that
shott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire from
those that had any. The showre of rayne being over, all come together
againe, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poore
wretches. That day they pluckt 4 nailes out of my fingers, and made me
sing, though I had no mind att that time. I became speechlesse oftentimes;
then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that the
gunsmiths use to pollish their armes. That liquour brought me to my speech
againe. The night being come they made me come downe all naked as I was, &
brought to a strang Cottage. I wished heartily it had ben that of my
parents. Being come, they tyed me to a poast, where I stayed a full houre
without the least molestation.

A woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingers
with a flint stoan. The boy was not 4 yeares old. This [boy] takes my
finger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strength
to breake my fingers. So my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt don
to it but the flesh cutt round about it. His mother made him suck the very
blood that runn from my finger. I had no other torment all that day. Att
night I could not sleepe for because of the great paine. I did eat a litle,
and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver I caught by the cruel torment I
suffred.

The next morning I was brought back againe to the scaffold, where there
were company enough. They made me sing a new, but my mother came there and
made [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that I should not
die. Shee brought mee some meate. Her coming comforted me much, but that
did not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which being
on the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipe
burning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked
3 pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle and
flesh became as coales. My mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, but
said not what I thought. That man having finished his hard worke, but I am
sure I felt it harder to suffer it. He trembled, whether for feare or for
so much action I cannot tell. My mother tyed my fingers with cloath, and
when he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a wooden
comb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. Shee goes back
againe.

That day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all alive
into the midle of a great fire. They burned a frenchwoman; they pulled out
her breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and made
the mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. I was not abused all that
day till the night. They bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. A
souldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and plucked
severall of my nailes. I stayed in that maner all night. I neither wanted
in the meane while meate nor drinke. I was supplied by my mother and
sisters. My father alsoe came to see me & tould me I should have courage.
That very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of my
fingers. There appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about it
leaves me instantly & did no harme, for which I was glad. I believe that my
father dissuaded him from it.

A while after my father was gon 3 came to the scaffold who swore they would
me a mischiefe, as I thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called for
a brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but by
good lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne my
skin, but bourned him to some purpos. In this posture I was to follow him,
& being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. One of the Company Cutt
the rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe the
scaffold and then went their way.

There I stayed till midday alone. There comes a multitude of people who
make me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number of
sixty old men smoaking tobacco. Here they make mee sitt downe among them
and stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why I was
brought thither, nor did I much care. For the great torments that I
souffred, I knew not whether I was dead or alive. And albeit I was in a
hott feavor & great pain, I rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that I
have not seene since my arrivement. He comes in very sumptuously covered
with severall necklaces of porcelaine,[Footnote: _Porcelaine_, the French
for wam-pum, or shell beads.] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by the
company and cast an eye on me now and then. Presently and comes in my
father with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with a
hatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. He had a
calumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [Footnote: _Cake_, meaning a
medicine-bag.] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so had
the rest of the old men. In that same cake are incloased all the things in
the world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that I should [not]
disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had in
their power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all the
earth. You must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots to
heale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of their
deceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any other
beast's head. When there they have any debatement among them they sacrifice
to this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of that
they puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperity
or warre, such ceremonies they make very often.

My father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. They
held great silence. During this they bring 7 prisoners; to wit, 7 women and
2 men, more [then] 10 children from the age of 3 to 12 years, having placed
them all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. The others all att liberty,
being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least I should pay for
all. Awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, now
shewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. This good
man putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. Having
finished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another.

They gave then liberty to some, butt killed 2 children with hattchetts, and
a woman of 50 years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onely
myselfe) att full liberty. I was left alone for a stake, they contested
together [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted above
an houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover of
his head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. His eyes weare hollow in his
head; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the Algonquins
in their language [that is, Eruata], which made me believe he spoake in my
behalfe. In that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces of
porcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. As soone
as shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of her
necklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one end
to the other. Shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes her
way. Then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings a
military song. Having finished [he] departs. I feared much that he was
first to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well,
rather then be bourned. My father rises for a second time and sings; so
done, retired himselfe. I thought all their guifts, songs, and speeches
should prevaile nothing with mee.

Those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long,
throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. Then the Cottage was
open of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires,
and place was made for them as if they weare Kings. Forty staye about me,
and nigh 2000 about my cottage, of men, women, and children. Those that
went their way retourned presently. Being sett downe, smoaked againe
whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. My father
sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace
from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that
held me, then makes me rise. The joy that I receaved att that time was
incomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling the
least paine. He bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which I consented with
all my heart. Whilst I did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. The
old man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" Having don, my mother, sisters,
and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced.

Then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. As we went
along nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding me
to take great courage. My mother was not long after me, with the rest of
her friends. Now I see myselfe free from death. Their care att this was to
give me meate. I have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joy
I had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that I did eat
lustily. Then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. Then begins my
paines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes them
with a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter in
her mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. The meanwhile my father goes
to seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to my
sores as a plaster. The next day the swelling was gone, but worse then
before; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving my
feete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my Cabban. During this
time my nailes grewed a pace. I remained onely lame of my midle finger,
that they have Squeezed between two stoanes. Every one was kind to mee as
beforesaid, and [I] wanted no company to be merry with.

I should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell me
during my winter. I was beloved of my Parents as before. My exercise was
allwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. My mother
kept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. Every moneth I
had a white shirt, which my father sent for from the Flemeings, who weare
not a farr off our village. I could never gett leave to goe along with my
brother, who went there very often. Finally, seeing myselfe in the former
condition as before, I constituted as long as my father and fortune would
permitt mee to live there. Dayly there weare military feasts for the South
nations, and others for the Algonquins and for the French. The
exclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing but
the murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have the
next yeare, which is in the beginning of Spring. In those feasts my father
heaves up his hattchett against the Algonquins. For this effect [he] makes
great preparations for his next incamping. Every night [he] never failes to
instruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the death
of so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. The desire
that I had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolve
to offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. But I feared
much least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution.
Neverthelesse I finding him once of a good humour and on the point of
honnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett and
to be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of great
renowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & that
he should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was the
quickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have liberty
everywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this I
venture to aske him what I was. [He] presently answers that I was a
Iroquoite as himselfe. Lett me revenge, said I, my kindred. I love my
brother. Lett me die with him. I would die with you, but you will not
because you goe against the ffrench. Lett me a gaine goe with my brother,
the prisoners & the heads that I shall bring, to the joy of my mother and
sisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchett
against those of Quebecq, of the 3 rivers, and Monteroyall in declaring
them my name, and that it's I that kills them, and by that you shall know I
am your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adopted
me. He sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son Oninga, thy
brother died in the warrs not in the Cabban; he was of a courage not of a
woman. I goe to aveng his death. If I die, aveng you mine. That one word
was my leave, which made me hope that one day I might escape, having soe
great an opportunity; or att least I should have the happinesse to see
their country, which I heard so much recommended by the Iroquoites, who
brought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men.

Thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before the
melting of the snow, which is very soone in that Country. I began to sett
my witts together how I should resolve this my voyage; for my mother
opposed against it mightily, saying I should bee lost in the woods, and
that I should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. But at last I
flattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in his
hands. Shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne in
my father's country, but was taken [when] little in the Huronit's Country.
Notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having lived
together more then fourty years, and in that space brought him 9 children,
4 males and 5 females. Two girls died after a while, and 3 sons killed in
the warrs, and one that went 3 years before with a band of 13 men to warre
against a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. The 5th had
allready performed 2 voyages with a greate deale of successe. My father was
a great Captayne in warrs, having ben Commander in all his times, and
distructed many villages of their Ennemy, having killed 19 men with his
owne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] he
killed. He should have as many more, but that you must know that the
Commander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army to
encourage his men. If by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one of
his men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough to
command the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that he
has the power as much as the honour. He receaved 2 gunn shots and 7 arrows
shotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. He was aged 3
score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man.

When our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites a
number of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go to
warre against an Ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him to
march sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, and
that this banquett was made for his 2 sons' farewell. Then he tould that
his adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of the
death of their brothers, and desired the Commander to have a care of us
both. This Commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfe
should be with him to the end. If anything should oppose he would make me
fight him. I was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mother
toald me it att my retourne. I was a fishing by with my sisters & brother.
When wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that our
mother and sisters lett us goe. Few days after I was invited to a military
banquett where was the Captayne, a yong gallant of 20 years old, with a
company of 8, and I made the 10th. We all did sing and made good cheare of
a fatt beare. We gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts.
Our kindred brought us a great way. My sister could not forbeare crying,
yett tould me to be of a stout heart. We tooke att last [leave and] bid
them adieu. We tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to the
great Lake before the Spring. We travelled 7 days through woods and
indifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. The Rivers
weare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease.

Wee arrived the 7th day in a village called Nojottga [Footnote: _Nojottga_,
or Oneioutga, Oneida.], where we stayed 2 days. From thence came a young
man with us. We arrived into another village, Nontageya [Footnote:
_Nontageya_, Onontaguega, or Onondaga.], where we stayed foure days. Wee
had allways great preparations, and weare invited 9 or tenne times a day.
Our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much,
and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, Stagg, Indian
corne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. We have not yett searched
our baggs wheare our provision was. In this place wee mended them. For my
part I found in myne 6 pounds of powder and more then 15 pounds of shott, 2
shirts, a capp, 8 pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire of
breeches, and about 1000 graines of black and white porcelaine, and my
brother as many. Wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downe
from our shoulders like a mantle. Every one [had] a small necklace of
porcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the Prisoners.
I had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. That was all we had. Our slaves
brought the packs after us.

After we marched 3 dayes, we came to a village, Sonon-teeonon,[Footnote:
_Sononteeonon_, Tionnontonan, or Seneca.] there we layd a night. The next
day, after a small journey, we came to the last village of their
confederates. Heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation.
It's called Oiongoiconon. [Footnote: _Oiongoiconon_ is Cayuga.] Here we
stay 2 dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves,
going allwayes through the woods. We found great plaines of 2 leagues and a
halfe journey without a tree. We saw there stagges, but would not goe out
of our way to kill them. We went through 3 villages of this nation neare
one another. They admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which I
understood by their exclamations. I thought I grewed leane to take litle
voyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. The raquett alwayes with the
feet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yett
have I not complained. Att the parting of the slaves, I made my bundle
light as the rest. We found snowes in few places, saving where the trees
made a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry the
raquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands.

After 10 days' march [we completed our journey] through a country covered
with water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. In those
plaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many Tourquies. Thence we came to a
great river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there
10 or 12 dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. We made good
cheere and wished to stay there longer. We made 3 skiffs to hould 3 men,
and one to hould two. We imbarked though there weare ice in many places,
and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least what
should befall us. In 4 dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in some
places with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground all
covered with snow. Heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of the
aire, and must stay 15 dayes. The wild men admired that the season of the
yeare was so backward. Att the end the wind changes southerly, which made
the lake free from Ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without either
snow or ice. There was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow like
rivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. The weather
lovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. Tending forwards, singing and
playing, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so 6 days
upon the lake and rested the nights ashore.

The more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country and
warmer. Ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, a
stoan-cast wide. After halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring both
barks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. This
done above 20 times, hawling our boats after us all laden. We went up that
river att least 30 or 40 leagues. Att last [it] brought us to a lake of
some 9 miles in length. Being comed to the highest place of the lake, we
landed and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles.
We weare 3 dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, not
so much as could make us fire. Then the thickned flower did serve us
instead of meate, mingling it with watter. We foorded many litle rivers, in
swiming & sayling. Our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed together
of such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from the
weatt. The evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which we
made bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over.

We left this place after being there 3 dayes. We went up that river in 2
dayes; there we killed stagges. After we came to a mouth of another river.
We made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make no
noise. They desired me to be very quiet, which I observed strictly. After
refreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make som
discovery. Some went one way, some another. We went a great way, but not
farr off our fort. The next day we meet altogether & made some Councell,
where it was decreed that 2 should go to the furthermost part of a small
river in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks of
people there, whilst the other 9 should take notice of a villag, that they
knew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there a
discovery. The youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goe
into the river. We tooke the lightest boat. It was well, [for] that in some
places of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. We weare
fained to draw the boat after us. I believe not that ever a wild man went
that way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of the
river.

After we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the end
of a small lake some 4 mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not so
thick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, taking
onely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. We
scarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave 2 persons goeing on
the watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him up
a tree to discerne better if there weare any more. After he stayed there a
while [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare 2 women, and
that we might goe kill them. Doubtlesse, said I, if they are women the men
are not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. Wee are alone,
and should runne the hazzard of 2 women for to be discovered. Our breethren
also would be in danger that knowes nothing. Moreover it's night; what dost
thou intend to doe? You say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in the
wood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. Att breake of
day we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in the
fort.

Here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rotten
tree. That night it rayned sadly. We weare wett; but a naturall Exercise is
good fire. We weare in our boat early in the morning, and with great
diligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mighty
high by reason of so much that fell of raine. I will not omitt a strange
accident that befell us as we came. You must know that as we past under the
trees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake with
foure feete, her head very bigg, like a Turtle, the nose very small att the
end, the necke of 5 thumbs wide, the body about 2 feet, and the tayle of a
foot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, with
great eyes, her teeth very white but not long. That beast was a sleepe upon
one of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeing
such a creature weare astonished. We could not tell what to doe. It was
impossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot att
her wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble our
Company. Att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever,
and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, and
with that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [to
secure] us from that dreadfull animal. We durst not ventur to kill her, for
feare of breaking of our boat. There is the question who was most fearfull?
As for me, I quaked. Now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, and
that shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land and
to tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. Then my
comrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river our
feare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when once
arrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare our
fort. But in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarter
of an houre. The squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne,
being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time he
came nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, &
rose up, having her 2 fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuaded
us that shee would leave us. We leaned on that side of the boat, so with
our owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill her
with our owers, which shee had for her paines. [Footnote: Radisson's
description of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminent
herpetologists in America, who writes that "no such reptile has ever been
described by scientific writers."] The squirrell tooke the flight, soe we
went, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene.
We found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, for
they weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all night
long. As for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything.
Wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made them
alter their resolution. Wee layd all night in our fort, where we made good
cheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood.

The next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leaving
our 3 boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where we
have seene the 2 persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice of
some fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes,
which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a woman
loaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was not
afar off. The Captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts the
discovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare 5 men & 4
women a fishing. We wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to come
unawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poore
creatures who in a moment weare massacred. What we gott by this was not
much, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, of
their owne making. These weare in great estime among our wild men. Two of
ours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an old
woman. They thought it charity to send her into the other world, with two
small children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving them
to the fishes their bodyes. Every one of us had his head, and my brother
two; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we came
to a small lake. Not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road close
by a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards a
village. There we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to find
out a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] no
conveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. Heere we layd
downe uppon our bellies. We did eat, among other things, the fish we gott
in the cabban of the fishermen. After dispatching one of the Company
bouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had no
water, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. The great desire
we had to catch and take made us to controule the Buissinesse.

Early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we layd
in an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. Att two of the clock in
the after non we see 20, as well men as women, a great way from us. We went
to the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. Att evening
[they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. They
went to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men and
three women, that tooke notice of our ambush. This we could not avoid, so
weare forced to appeare to their ruine. We tooke the 3 women and killed 2
men. The other 2 thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; the
other 2 that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the other
escaped. The news was brought over all those parts. Thence we runne away
with our 4 prisoners and the 4 new heads with all speed. The women could
not goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a whole
night; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat which
Served us to goe over. We marched all that day without any delay; being
come to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. We
examined our Prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them,
although many Huron words weare in their language. In this place we
perceived 2 men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient to
discover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. We
tooke another day, 2 before and the rest after, thee prisoners in the
midle. We speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, and
the trees blowne downe with some great windes. The fire over came all, over
15 leagues in length and 10 in breadth. We layd in the very midle of that
country upon a faire sandy place where we could see 3 or 4 leagues off
round about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is their
Acconroga before death. There we made a litle fire to make our Kettle boyle
a tourkey, with some meale that was left. Seeing no body persued, we
resolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. We stayed
14 nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mett
with nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines without
victualls. Att last we came to kill 2 Stagges, but did not suffice 12 of
us. We weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with the
meat, which made all very bitter. But good stomachs make good favour.
Hunger forced us to kill our Prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating our
food, for want of which have eaten the flesh. So by that means we weare
freed from the trouble.

The next day we came neere a Village. Att our coming we killed a woman with
her child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe for
feare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was
3 days' journey; but on the way we mett with 5 and 20 or 30 men and women,
who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. They fought & defended
themselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the Strongest party, for
our guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. During the fight
the women ranne away. Five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foure
escaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery was
horribly wounded with 2 arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. If he had
stuck to it as we, he might proceed better. We burned him with all speed,
that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. We killed 2 of
them, & 5 prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats,
where we arrived within 2 days without resting, or eating or drinking all
the time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. We tooke all their booty, which
was of 2 sacks of Indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red and
green stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread,
and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some small
coyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. The
tournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. The hayre
of some of them very long, & all proper men. We went on the other side of
the river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. After we looked about
us least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about to
gett meat for our wants & then to sleepe.

Att midnight we left that place. Six of us tooke a boate, 5 an other, and 2
the litle one. We row the rest of the night with all strength, & the
breaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. The
litle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood.
One of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive any
thing, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of us
to warne us. We weare in great danger going downe the streame of that river
in the night time. We had trouble enough to carry all our baggage without
the least noise. Being come to the end of the river which empties it selfe
into a lake of some 8 or 9 leagues in compasse, we went into a small river
to kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and so
sturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. Att last finding
our selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about the
lake, where we tarried 3 dayes, and 2 of our Company mett with 2 women that
runned away from the Sanoutin's country, which is of the Iroquoit nation.
Those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves att
liberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in a
greater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us.

The next day we went from thence with the 5 prisoners & the 22 heads. So
much for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt upon
them, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place where
we intended to make new boats. For 9 days we went through dangerous places
which weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. We
weare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with great
paines. We came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, and
there we parted our acquisited booty, a